Huomioi, että vaikka osakkeisiin säästäminen on pitkällä aikavälillä tuottanut hyvin, tulevasta tuotosta ei ole takeita. On olemassa riski, että et saa sijoittamiasi varoja takaisin.

Välittäjätilasto

Ostaneet eniten

Ostaneet eniten
Välittäjä	Ostettu	Myyty	Netto	Sisäinen
Avanza Bank AB	212 360	119 865	+92 495	119 464
SSW Market Making GmbH	57 086	603	+56 483	0
Danske Bank A/S	10 000	0	+10 000	0
Skandinaviska Enskilda Banken AB	0	72	−72	0
Swedbank AB	500	10 589	−10 089	0
Nordnet Bank AB	28 038	176 855	−148 817	27 890

Myyneet eniten

Myyneet eniten
Välittäjä	Ostettu	Myyty	Netto	Sisäinen
Nordnet Bank AB	28 038	176 855	−148 817	27 890
Swedbank AB	500	10 589	−10 089	0
Skandinaviska Enskilda Banken AB	0	72	−72	0
Danske Bank A/S	10 000	0	+10 000	0
SSW Market Making GmbH	57 086	603	+56 483	0
Avanza Bank AB	212 360	119 865	+92 495	119 464

Yhtiötapahtumat

Datan lähde: Quartr

Seuraava tapahtuma
2026 Q3 -tulosraportti 17.7.

Menneet tapahtumat
2026 Q2 -tulosraportti 8.4.
2026 Q1 -tulosraportti 16.1.
2025 Q4 -tulosraportti 17.10.2025
2025 Q3 -tulosraportti 18.7.2025
2025 Q2 -tulosraportti 15.4.2025

Asiakkaat katsoivat myös

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Liity keskusteluun Nordnet Socialissa

mxrobban
6 t sitten · Muokattu
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mxrobban
6 t sitten · Muokattu
·
THE PARLIAMENT MYTH IS DEAD: THE STATE'S RULES OF THE GAME FOR NATIONAL SECURITY ARE A REALITY It is instructive to read the comments on the forums from the past few days. Despite the geopolitical playing field having been radically redrawn, the debate gets stuck in old ruts around "parliamentary votes" and a general resignation regarding domestic political stalemates. This frustration is based on a fundamental misunderstanding of how Swedish public administration actually functions in times of crisis. To assess Igrenes' future – and understand why the company is acting with such urgency right now – one must understand the difference between normal peacetime bureaucracy and executive security policy. - The Government vs. The Parliament: When it comes to strategic infrastructure and the immediate needs of total defense for supply security, it is not the Parliament that handles individual permits. Critical facilities are not voted through by 349 members in the plenary hall. It is the Government (the executive power) that governs the realm and possesses the executive tools. - The legal basis already exists: Many writers seem to believe that laws must be rewritten from scratch, which would take several years. That is incorrect. The tools to force decisions are already present in current legislation (for example, the Environmental Code's 17th chapter). If the government deems that a domestic energy resource is needed to meet NATO's and the USA's readiness requirements, the matter is elevated above local instances and decided directly at the government table. - The smoking gun (The death blow to the Parliament myth): For those who doubt the state's executive will to circumvent local bureaucracy, the Ministry of Climate and Enterprise delivered a crystal-clear message as recently as yesterday. The Government announced that it is urgently investigating abolishing the municipal veto on alum shale extraction. The motivation? The assets are "central for, among other things, total defense." This proves in black and white how the state functions in real-time: when a domestic resource is classified as critical for national security, the government mercilessly eradicates local obstacles. They do not wait for parliamentary stalemates. - The strategic advantage and Norwegian gas expertise: That the company early on established cooperation around ColdSpark technology with Norwegian Seid appears crucial in today's light. With Norway's decades-long position as Europe's undisputed superpower in oil and gas, Seid brings immensely weighty, industrial expertise on exactly how large-scale gas resources are managed and commercialized. Now that security policy has been redrawn – manifested through Sweden's bilateral agreement with the USA ("Technology Prosperity Deal") and NATO's Article 3 – the grand political agenda has caught up. International actors do not look at Swedish domestic political sandbox debates. They see that an industrially anchored collaboration to produce physical energy off-grid in the Swedish interior has just gained massive strategic premium value. To sit and wait for a fabricated "roadmap for a vote in Parliament" is to completely misunderstand how national security is executed under a heightened geopolitical situation. When the company calls a general meeting in July and speaks of a "new phase," it appears that they are currently positioning themselves towards the Government's immediacy and executive power before the political window closes ahead of the autumn election campaign. Anyone who only analyzes the company based on old environmental law parliamentary processes is pricing a completely outdated playing field.
ColdAsIce
1 päivä sitten
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ColdAsIce
1 päivä sitten
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Many are naturally awaiting clarity regarding the regulatory conditions in Sweden and the possibility of future production from Siljansringen. At the same time, I believe it is risky to base the entire investment case on a future parliament repealing today's ban. That is precisely why the planned investment in SEID/ColdSpark was so interesting. For many investors, this was an important part of the story behind the issue: not just the value of the gas in the ground, but the opportunity to create significantly greater value through further processing into hydrogen and solid carbon. If regulatory changes come into place, it would naturally be very positive. But if the process is prolonged, or if the outcome is less comprehensive than many hope, the hydrogen path can still constitute an attractive and independent value-creating alternative. In a world where energy security, industrial competitiveness, and emission reductions are becoming increasingly important, the path from methane to hydrogen appears at least as strategically interesting as the question of increased gas extraction itself. Therefore, I hope that the new board will also provide the market with an update on the status of the expected investment in SEID/ColdSpark. That investment was highlighted as an important part of the company's future development and potential value creation. For many shareholders, this is not about either/or. It's about building multiple pillars to stand on and reducing the risk of being entirely dependent on a single political decision.
Lapplandgold
2 t sitten
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Lapplandgold
2 t sitten
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What makes Igrene so successful if the company doesn't get permission to extract the gas and then sell it. Where is the success with SAID if no gas can/may not be utilized. No one wants to be a pessimist, but the success story of Igrene's enterprise stands and falls with the gas .... or? Right now, "new phase" means nothing. Igrene and SAID's boards need to communicate together news about something positive .... whatever it may be.
mxrobban
1 päivä sitten
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mxrobban
1 päivä sitten
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TOTAL DEFENCE AND THE NEW PHASE: WHEN GEOPOLITICS TRUMPS BUREAUCRACY It is interesting and illuminating to follow the discussions on the forums after the announcement of the extraordinary general meeting. Many focus on short-term price movements, individual board members, or express frustration over the absence of a "roadmap for decisions in parliament". At the same time, the company itself, in connection with the completed share issue, states that it is entering a "new phase". To understand what that phase entails, one must analyze the concrete realities that are currently redrawing Swedish energy and security policy. We find ourselves in a security policy situation where Sweden is exposed to daily hybrid attacks. Russia's stated strategic interest in the Baltic Sea and Gotland is not a theoretical exercise – it is a dimensioning factor for our national security. This development is defined by three factors that the market seems to completely miss: - The security architecture and requirements from the USA: Energy supply is no longer a traditional domestic political environmental issue. Through NATO membership (especially Article 3 on national resilience) and the recently signed strategic bilateral agreement with the USA ("Technology Prosperity Deal"), stringent demands are now placed on Swedish infrastructure. The American doctrine does not tolerate allies who rely on vulnerable import chains. Washington's demand is blunt and clear: Every nation in the alliance must be able to secure its own basic supply and independence. Physical, domestic supply preparedness is now an operational alliance requirement. - Electrons vs. Molecules: A fully electrified grid and coastal import nodes are primary vulnerabilities in hybrid scenarios. Civil preparedness and total defence logistics require physically storable energy – molecules, for example in the form of domestic gas – which can be safely stored in rock caverns or depots and used to power heavy processes completely independent of a central power grid (off-grid). This gives a proven energy resource, protected deep inland, a completely new strategic significance. - Chapter 17 trumps parliamentary procrastination: The major misconception on the forums is the idea that extraction requires protracted legislative changes or new votes in parliament that risk being blocked. This is incorrect. The legislation already contains the state's "bypass". According to Chapter 17 of the Environmental Code, the government has an existing and full mandate to refer admissibility reviews concerning critical national interests directly to the government table for a quick decision, completely beyond regional instances or parliamentary deadlocks. In this landscape, Igrene and Siljansgasen can no longer be regarded as a traditional exploration project. The gas is already confirmed and the strong flows are established. It is not about searching for a resource, but about how this proven domestic asset should be integrated into national supply preparedness. When the company now explicitly recalibrates for a "new phase", the interesting question is why this repositioning is happening exactly now. If the government has the legal support and the compelling incentives, one must also calculate with the domestic political clock. In August, the parties' election campaigns will seriously kick off before the parliamentary election in September. The window for decision-makers to demonstrate executive decisiveness in the absolute highest priority preparedness issue is practically concentrated to June and July. It is based on this compressed political calendar that one should understand why the company is initiating its new phase right now.
Lapplandgold
20 t sitten
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Lapplandgold
20 t sitten
·
Two things I can state are: 1/ Despite there being cooperation plans between Igrene and SAID, we see no clear statements on how the cooperation will develop, neither now nor in the future, which would be quite "fitting" for us who are shareholders in the company to know. Something should surely emerge after the extraordinary general meeting in July. 2/ I want to clearly emphasize that the deposits around Siljan should not be underestimated, but we must be able to see it as a reality that the gas should serve the nation's best, and the permitting process needs to be realized as soon as possible, where the Parliament and authorities give the green light for the company to further process the gas and start up a smaller depot facility, as previously presented by the company, with sketches.
mxrobban
5.6.
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mxrobban
5.6.
·
THE NEW PHASE AND THE CHANGED REGULATORY FRAMEWORK Yesterday's notice of an extraordinary general meeting is significantly more interesting than a routine board change. The company chooses to call an extraordinary general meeting on July 13 and simultaneously explicitly states that after the completed new share issue, it is entering a “new phase”. This is a formulation that deserves to be analyzed. To understand what this new phase might entail, one needs to look beyond individual permitting processes and study the larger shift occurring within Swedish energy and security policy. In recent years, energy supply has successively transitioned from being a traditional environmental issue to becoming an absolute core issue for total defense and national security. The Security Architecture: Sweden has integrated into NATO and simultaneously deepened strategic cooperation with the USA in areas such as energy, technology, supply preparedness, and critical infrastructure. Preparedness Mechanisms: The government is activating new state initiatives (including regulation SFS 2026:235) to strengthen physical energy preparedness and secure independence from vulnerable import nodes along the coasts. Physical Redundancy: At the same time, access to storable energy has become a prerequisite for building a robust total defense that cannot exclusively rely on an electrified grid in the event of potential hybrid warfare. In this landscape, Siljansgasen no longer appears merely as a traditional exploration project. The question instead becomes what role domestic energy resources in the interior can play in a future system where security of supply, robustness, and energy preparedness have gained an increasingly central role. That is why the upcoming board presentation becomes so interesting. If the nomination committee presents individuals with experience from, for example, total defense logistics, critical infrastructure, industrial processes, or national preparedness, it could provide important signals about how the company views its continued positioning in this new geopolitical context. The perhaps most important question until July 13 is therefore not who is leaving the board – but who is joining.
Lapplandgold
5.6.
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Lapplandgold
5.6.
·
What is written above so thoroughly (as far as possible for now) is what can happen secondarily; what by definition is what we are currently waiting for is the decision on the permitting of prospecting and extraction of gas and oil in Sweden, and above all within the Siljan Ring. In my naivety, I had wished that this had already happened, with a positive decision granted to us, but it seems to be delayed. The Riksdag is now to make a decision on the matter, and many of us are anxious about what the vote will yield as an outcome. Much of what has been written above here suggests that interest is great and our domestic raw materials are important for future self-consumption, independent of both Russia's and the Arab states' resources. The question is, will the decision then come hopefully before the election, but what happens to MP in the government if the blockade continues, will the decision then be postponed to the future, and how will Igrene then be able to continue its plan with the Norwegian company SAID. So far, there is no roadmap for a decision in the Riksdag, and no information from the company about an agenda-driven decision
mxrobban
29.4. · Muokattu
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mxrobban
29.4. · Muokattu
·
Therefore, Affärsvärlden's warnings echo in Placera's news feed For the investor who has noted the impact of Affärsvärlden's article in Placera's general news flow, the underlying publishing structure is of analytical relevance. A review of the platform's publishing certificate reveals the following structural facts: 1. Placera's editorial news material is produced by Nya Klara Publishing – exactly the same company that publishes Affärsvärlden. 2. The responsible publisher for Placera's news feed is Peter Benson, also editor-in-chief for Affärsvärlden. We are therefore not witnessing two independent platforms independently scrutinizing the company. We are witnessing one and the same media house distributing its own sales analysis directly into the feed where small investors are expected to consume news. This is a statement of legal and structural fact, not an opinion. For a serious investor, this underscores the importance of separating editorial noise from primary data. Anyone who wants to understand the asset's true value should set aside the platform's headlines and instead focus on verified flows, the published research from Chalmers and ScienceDirect, as well as the company's physical mass balance. The mathematics are independent.
RipanUa
4.5.
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RipanUa
4.5.
·
Yes, that's the factual part. However, the risk lies with the parliament, and if I guess "fail/success" then I guess 15/85, as well as the scalability in the technology, where I feel more uncertain, say 50/50. Comments please?

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